On raider attacks if of the elite and transit of power

The fact that Nursultan Nazarbaev will head Kazakhstan until his last breath is now acknowledged by almost everyone within the country and beyond its borders. However, the question of why he, as opposed to Yeltsin and Putin cannot afford to retire or at least give the presidential seat to a trusted individual, while remaining the “leader of nation”, remains unanswered.

Evidently such a systemic decision has beyond a desire for power and absolute distrust of anyone, other serious foundations. One of such argumentation is the incompleteness of the process of initial accumulation of capital in Kazakhstan. The ending of the latest one, however, is only possible when it, despite its unfairness, will be recognized by both the elite and the general population. Only then, private property in the country will become untouchable not only on paper but also de facto.

The problem however, is that it is counteracted by a lot of things, starting from disagreement fro the mass of Kazakhstanis with the fact that the minority suddenly became rich and they didn’t, and ending with the despotism of Akorda itself and some of its representatives with regards to other people’s property.

If everything is clear with the first one, you just need a long time for generations of Kazakhstanis, who still remember Soviet times, when everyone was equally poor, even if only formally, national economy was developing and there was a big rise of the middle class, to go away, the issue with the second one is much more complicated.

The issue is that the present Kazakhstani ruling elite thinks that it has an unspoken right to redistribute other people’s assets according to its interests.

For example, all of Akorda’s political opponents, besides freedom and sometimes life as part of confrontation, always lost their property. And most of the time against the existing laws. Take for example the story of the politician V. Kozlov, sentenced for 7.5 years, for allegedly organizing janaozen events on Dec. 16 2011. Aside from his party offices, he was deprived of his only house in Almaty; and this illegal decision was approved by supreme court.

Thus, repression through taking away off property became a norm for modern Kazakhstan, and these means are now almost universally used, whether there are grounds for it or not, including during inter-clan struggles, etc. Moreover, a part of the ruling elite, as a rule, uncompetitive one as entrepreneurs and thus highly interested in preservation.

As an example we can bring Bolat Nazarbaev, a brother of the leader of the nation, whose acquisitions for cheap of others’ properties became a byword. Based on our information, the last such asset was the restaurant complex Daniyar not far from Besagash village in Talgar rayon of Almaty oblast, i.e. Bolat Abishevich went out of “his” Karasay rayon.

Acknowledging of the initial capital accumulation in the republic is stalled by the fact that considerable part of current owners of business structures actively use their power potential and (or) tribal relations in the competitive struggle at the market. This occurrence became so widespread that is viewed in the country as a norm. Moreover, nobody fights it, as it remains invisible to the law.

At the same time, out of five of the largest contractor companies, taking part in erection of  objects for EXPO-2017, at least three are covertly run by the family members of Nazarbaev or his allies. This practice leads Kazakh business to not view its assets as untouchable.

Thus, authoritarian political system and “super-presidential” vertical is not just a will of a single person but the only viabl in our conditions, mechanism of protecting of capital, which the ruling elite has received after the fall of the socialist system.

Its weakness is in the fact that as soon as nazarbaev is gone and his presidential seat is taken by someone else. Kazakhstan will immediately start its new stage of redistribution of assets. First of all, because the new leader of the nation will have his own preferences, and secondly because such redistributing is desired by many among the elite.

 

As for the mechanism of redistribution of capital (property, assets) its mastered for the most part – criminal cases with further confiscation of property, shadow agreements, raider attacks, taking of key governmental positions, etc. Kazakhstani government is not able to oppose this in principle, and moreover, isn’t even planning on it.  Due to all this, the fight with corruption that was once again announced by the head of the state, is just an attempt at diverting attention from much more important issues – including the fact that immunity of private property in the country is quite relative and only applies to things that are not interesting.

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